Ute Indians (who call themselves Nuciu,
"The People") are Southern Numic speakers
of the Numic (Shoshonean) language family. At the time
of Euro-American contact, twelve informally affiliated
Ute bands inhabited most of Utah and western Colorado.
They included the Cumumba (probably a Shoshone band),
the Tumpanuwac, Uinta-at, San Pitch, Pahvant, and Sheberetch
in Utah, and the Yamparka, Parianuc, Taviwac, Wiminuc,
Kapota, and Muwac in Colorado. The bands recognized,
traded, and intermarried with each other, but maintained
no larger tribal organization. Band members gathered
annually at their spring Bear Dance or to take advantage
of some resource abundance, but otherwise remained in
local residence groups of from 20 to 100 people.
Utes practiced a flexible subsistence system elegantly
adapted to their environments. Extended family groups
moved through known hunting and gathering territories
on a seasonal basis, taking advantage of the periodic
abundance of food and material resources in different
ecozones. Men hunted deer, antelope, buffalo, rabbits,
and other small mammals and birds with bows and arrows,
spears, and nets. Women gathered seed grasses, piñon
nuts, berries, roots, and greens in woven baskets, and
processed and stored meat and vegetal materials for
winter use. Utes took advantage of the abundance of
fish in Utah Lake and other fresh water sources, drying
and storing them for trade and winter use.
The Ute Indians took advantage of the abundance of fish
in Utah Lake and other freshwater sources, drying and
storing them for trade and winter use. Cultivation of
food plants was an early contact adaptation limited
to the Pahvant. Ute families lived in brush wickiups
and ramadas in the western and southern areas and used
hide tepees in the eastern reaches of Ute territory.
Men and women kept their hair long or braided, and depending
on the region and season wore woven fiber skirts and
sandals, rabbit skin robes, and leather shirts, skirts,
and leggings. They made baskets and skin bags for carrying
their goods, as well as implements of bone, stone, and
wood.
Utes acquired horses from the Spanish by 1680. Especially
in the eastern areas, horses increased Ute mobility,
allowing them to focus on big game mammals and adopt
Plains Cultural elements. Horses facilitated Ute raiding
and trading, making them respected warriors and important
middlemen in the southwestern slave and horse trade.
While involved in this trade with Hispanic settlers,
Utes remain independent from colonial control. With
the exception of the 1776 Dominguez and Escalante expedition,
few explorers ventured into Ute territory until the
1810s when a growing number of trappers passed through
or established temporary trading posts. Beginning in
1847, Utes experienced the full impact of Euro-American
contact with the arrival of Mormon settlers.
The initial Mormon settlement in the Salt Lake Valley
occurred in a joint occupancy zone between Utes and
Shoshones, and therefore caused little immediate disruption.
But as settlers moved south along the Wasatch Front,
they began competing with Utes for the scarce resources
of these valuable oasis environments. Pushed from the
land, Utes led by Wakara retaliated in a series of subsistence
raids against isolated Mormon settlements. The Walker
War (1853-54) signaled the beginning of Ute subsistence
displacement and the "open hand, mailed fist"
Indian policy of Brigham Young--feeding when possible,
fighting when necessary.
Between 1855 and 1860, Indian Agent Garland Hurt organized
Indian farms at Spanish Fork, San Pete, and Corn Creek,
hoping to encourage Utes to settle down and farm. Believing
that staying in one place meant certain starvation--a
belief borne out by consistent crop failures--Utes resisted
agrarian settlement and the farms collapsed. In 1861
President Abraham Lincoln set aside the two-million-acre
Uintah Valley Reservation for the Ute bands, but Autenquer,
a San Pitch war leader, rallied Ute and Southern Paiute
resistance to removal in a series of attacks and subsistence
raids known as the Black Hawk War (1863-68). By 1869,
starving and suffering from Mormon retaliation, Utes
turned to civil leader Tabby-to-kwana who led them onto
the reservation.
Utes found an inhospitable environment and little prepared
for them in the Uintah Basin. Throughout the 1870s these
Uintah Utes continued to hunt and gather in the surrounding
country while agents cultivated fields in an effort
to convince them to settle down. Things became more
difficult in 1881 when the federal government forcibly
removed the Yamparka and Parianuc (White River) Utes
from Colorado to the Uintah Reservation. The following
year the government moved the peaceful Taviwac (Uncompahgre)
Utes to the adjoining two-million-acre Ouray Reservation.
Removal and consolidation on the Uintah-Ouray Reservation
generated a number of problems for and between the Uintah,
White River and Uncompahgre bands. Suspicion and jealousy
over land and money, diminished opportunities to travel
and hunt, and attitudes towards farming divided the
bands. These problems were compounded in 1897 and again
in 1905 when the government allotted the reservations
and opened the remainder for white entry. Each Ute received
an 80 to 160 acre plot for farming and access to a communal
grazing district. In the end, allotment reduced Ute
land holdings by over 85 percent. The construction of
expensive irrigation projects did little to improve
Ute farming and led to extensive leasing and the alienation
of yet more land. Allotment ultimately limited the potential
for a successful livestock industry. Short-term resistance
to allotment and directed change included the Ute outbreak
of 1906-08, during which nearly 400 Utes fled to South
Dakota. Longer-term resistance included adoption of
the Sun Dance religion and Peyotism--attempts to bind
the people together and maintain an Indian identity.
During the early twentieth century, Utes worked or leased
their land, performed wage labor for area whites or
the Indian agency, or made do on the modest per capita
distributions from the tribe. During the 1920s and 1930s
they organized a business council composed of elected
representatives from each of the three bands and incorporated
as the Northern Ute Tribe. Between 1909 and 1965 the
tribe was part of several successful federal claims
cases, but most of the money judgments went to finance
the irrigation project, tribal operations, or was tied
up in regulated trusts and individual accounts. In 1954,
following a longstanding dispute within the tribe, Northern
Utes accepted a division of assets and the termination
of federal recognition for people with blood quantums
less than one-half. The mixed-bloods organized as the
Affiliated Ute Citizens.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, Northern Utes benefited
from increased oil and gas development on reservation
lands in the form of jobs and severance taxes. The Northern
Utes have also been key players in the Central Utah
Project, receiving money and stored water in return
for the diversion of their watershed runoff into central
Utah. Their political clout increased in 1986 when the
U.S. Supreme Court upheld the tribe's right to exercise
"legal jurisdiction" over all pre-allotment
reservation lands, giving them an undefined amount of
legal control over the land and citizens of eastern
Utah. In the 1990s, the Northern Ute Tribe boasts nearly
3,000 members and is an increasingly powerful force
in local and state politics. They are active in maintaining
their language and cultural traditions while improving
the economic situation of tribal members through education,
tribal enterprises, and planned development.
David Rich Lewis